In this Special Feature, we look at the racialized impact
that COVID-19 has on black communities in the United States, using expert
opinions and rounding up the available evidence.
The issue of how
race-related health inequalities are affecting several disadvantaged groups,
and black communities in particular, in the U.S. is very complex and has wide
ramifications. COVID-19 has only served to unmask inequities that have existed
for hundreds of years.
The current climate of social unrest in the U.S. and the
thousands of people protesting against systemic racism and in support of the Black Lives
Matter movement is bringing these inequities into even sharper
focus, adding more political and emotional weight to a longstanding issue.
A few articles on the matter can only begin to scratch the
surface — but the complexity of an issue should not deter us from tackling it.
A couple of weeks ago, Medical
News Today dove into some ways in which COVID-19 is affecting people
of color and minority groups. We also interviewed Prof. Tiffany Green about how
racial inequities play into the disparities observed during the pandemic.
In this Special Feature, we follow up by looking at the
available scientific evidence of the uneven and racialized impacts of the
pandemic, as well as what other experts have to say about racial disparities
during COVID-19 and in healthcare more broadly.
As the pandemic persists and more data become available, MNT will
continue to address the broader issue and focus on the impact that COVID-19 is
having on specific racial and ethnic groups.
For now, much of the evidence points to a disproportionate
impact on black Americans, so the rest of this article will focus on this
group.
Making sense of incomplete data
As the COVID-19 pandemic unfolds, more data are becoming
available regarding infection rates, mortality rates, and testing, shedding
light on the ways in which the crisis is affecting different sociodemographic
groups.
However, in some countries — and perhaps most notably in
the U.S., considering its high numbers of cases and deaths — the information is
becoming available in dribs and drabs, as the relevant government bodies have
been reluctant to gather and reveal data organized by specific sociodemographic
factors.
For instance, sex-disaggregated data was not publicly
available in the U.S. in mid-April 2020, when the country had the highest
number of COVID-19 cases in the world.
Similarly, it took the federal government 3 months to start tracking COVID-19 deaths and infections in nursing homes, and even then the efforts were incomplete, despite outcry from researchers and public health experts.
Similarly, it took the federal government 3 months to start tracking COVID-19 deaths and infections in nursing homes, and even then the efforts were incomplete, despite outcry from researchers and public health experts.
Race-
and ethnicity-related data have been no exception. In mid-April, almost 3
months after the start of the pandemic in the U.S., the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC) were breaking down only 35% of their data
according to race and ethnicity.
At the time, according to some studies, the race or
ethnicity of people receiving 78% of the diagnoses
on a national level was “unknown,” and only half of the states were
reporting COVID-19 mortality by race and ethnicity.
Researchers have pointed out that while, “1 in 5 counties, nationally, is disproportionately black and only represent 35% of the U.S. population […] these counties accounted for nearly half of COVID-19 cases and 58% of COVID-19 deaths.”
Researchers have pointed out that while, “1 in 5 counties, nationally, is disproportionately black and only represent 35% of the U.S. population […] these counties accounted for nearly half of COVID-19 cases and 58% of COVID-19 deaths.”
Inaccurate or incomplete reports of data can paint a
misleading picture — one that can misinform public health policies.
A study that has yet to be peer-reviewed — led by researchers at Yale University, in New Haven, CT — noted in mid-May that “The CDC data suggests that white patients represent a higher proportion of COVID-19 diagnoses than their representation in the general population.”
A study that has yet to be peer-reviewed — led by researchers at Yale University, in New Haven, CT — noted in mid-May that “The CDC data suggests that white patients represent a higher proportion of COVID-19 diagnoses than their representation in the general population.”
“Yet
data derived from specific regions that report race and ethnicity of COVID-19
decedents show that black patients are dying at a much higher rate than their
population share.”
In the absence of a clear picture at a federal level,
scientists, nonpartisan research groups, and advocacy groups have stepped in to
gather as much data as possible in a systematic way.
Reports from disparate U.S. states, coupled with emerging
studies, are all painting a worrying picture: Black Americans are being hit the
hardest by the pandemic, along with Latinx communities, while Indigenous
populations and other minority communities are also taking the brunt of
COVID-19 in some states.
Black Americans up to 3 times
more likely to die of COVID-19
The study led by Yale researchers, which appeared as a
preprint in mid-May, used more recent data, assessed its quality, and adjusted
for age in their analysis.
Lead
study author Dr. Cary Gross and colleagues found that black Americans are 3.5 times more likely to die
of COVID-19 than white Americans. In addition, the team found that Latinx
people are almost twice as likely to die of the disease, compared with white
people.
“We also found that the magnitude of these COVID-19
disparities varied substantially across states. While some states do not have
demonstrable disparities, [black and Latinx populations] in other states face
5- or 10-fold or higher risk of death than their white counterparts,” say the
authors.
Dr. Marcella Nunez-Smith, a professor of internal medicine
at Yale and senior author of the study, comments, “We need
high-quality data and a consensus on the metrics we use to direct resources and
tackle staggering health inequities.”
It is worth noting that the CDC are now showing national
averages by race, data that was not visible on its website a few weeks ago.
However, it remains unclear whether they are using data from all 50 states and
Washington, D.C. to reach these averages.
A report issued by the nonpartisan American
Public Media (APM) Research Lab at the end of May found similar results.
“The latest
overall COVID-19 mortality rate for black Americans is 2.4 times as high as the
rate for whites and 2.2 times as high as the rate for Asians and Latinos.”
The APM report calculated these rates based on the total
number of deaths up to May 19, at which point the scientists had information
about the races and ethnicities of 89% of the people who had died of COVID-19.
The information came from 40 of the 50 states
and from the District of Columbia.
“While we have an incomplete picture of the toll of
COVID-19,” the authors write, “the existing data reveals deep inequities by
race, most dramatically for black Americans.”
Death rate for black Americans
doubles their population share
For black people in the U.S., the death rate of COVID-19
is staggeringly high, compared with the population share.
As
the APM report notes, collectively, black Americans make up 13% of the
population in all U.S. areas that released COVID-19 mortality data, but they
account for 25% of the deaths.
“In other
words, they are dying of the virus at a rate of roughly double their population
share, among all American deaths where race and ethnicity is known.”
By comparison, “Across all 41 reporting jurisdictions
combined, whites are considerably less likely to die from COVID-19 than
expected, given their share of the population. They represent 61.7% of the
combined population, but have experienced 49.7% of deaths in America where race
and ethnicity is known.”
Echoing the Yale study, the APM report found huge
disparities in individual states. These disparities are much broader than the
2.4-times higher rate of mortality among black Americans, compared with white
Americans.
For example, “In Kansas, black residents are 7 times more
likely to have died than white residents, while in Washington, D.C., the rate
among blacks is 6 times as high as it is for whites. In Missouri and Wisconsin,
it is 5 times greater.”
The authors of the APM report also deplored the
mishandling of this crisis by the U.S. federal government, in terms of the
gathering and disseminating of data on race.
Andi Egbert, a senior researcher at APM Research Lab,
said, “I won’t speculate about motive, but I can’t believe in a modern economy
that we don’t have a mandated, uniform way of reporting the data across
states.”
“We are in the
midst of this tremendous crisis, and data is the best way of knowing who is
suffering and how.”
– Andi Egbert
Dr. Uché Blackstock, CEO of Advancing Health Equity, also criticized the U.S.
federal reaction to race-related disparities.
“The disparities are continuing to be reflected in the
data, yet we still have a complete lack of guidance from the federal government
about how to mitigate these divisions. There is no real plan how to deal with
it.”
What explains the disparities? And how does racism play into it?
The evidence reveals enormous disparities and a bitter
reality: COVID-19 is disproportionately affecting black people in the U.S., and
black people are dying as a result of COVID-19 at an alarming rate. But what
are the reasons behind the numbers? What explains these huge inequities?
Experts have been saying for years that we need to tackle
systemic racism and the toll that it takes on the health of communities of
color.
Prof. David R. Williams, chair of the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and professor of African and African American Studies and Sociology at Harvard University, is one such expert.
Prof. David R. Williams, chair of the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and professor of African and African American Studies and Sociology at Harvard University, is one such expert.
In a teleconference organized
by the Robert Wood
Johnson Foundation, a public health philanthropic organization based
in Princeton, NJ, Prof. Williams points out: “Racial inequities exist not only
for COVID-19, but for almost every disease.”
The new coronavirus, he says, only serves as a “magnifying
glass that helps us to see some long-standing shortfalls in health” that have
existed for centuries.
“For over 100
years, research has documented that black people in America and Native
Americans live sicker and shorter lives than the average American.”
– Prof. David
R. Williams
The impact of wealth and income
disparities
“What are the reasons for this?” the researcher goes on to
ask. “One is the low socioeconomic status.” Gaps in income and wealth distribution
are a huge contributing factor.
“For example, national data for the U.S. in 2015 reveals
that for every dollar of household income white households receive, black
households receive 59 cents, Latino households 79 cents, and Native American
households 60 cents,” Prof. Williams says.
“What is
stunning for the 59 cents figure for African Americans is that it is identical
to the racial [black-white] gap in income in 1978. I did not misspeak, you
heard me correctly — 1978, the peak year of the economic gain for black
households, as a result of the war on poverty and the civil rights policies of
the 1960s and 1970s.”
– Prof. David
R. Williams
Furthermore, Prof. Williams points out, according to
“Federal reserve board data for 2016, for every dollar of wealth that white
households have in the U.S., black households have 10 pennies and latino
households have 12 pennies.”
Economic status matters “profoundly” for reducing the risk
of exposure to the new coronavirus, says Prof. Williams, as lower socioeconomic
status means that a person is more likely to have to leave their home for work.
“For example,
non-Hispanic black and Hispanic Americans are more likely to end up in
occupations that we have newly deemed “essential,” including, but not limited
to, retail work (e.g., grocery stores), sanitation, farming, meatpacking
plants, frontline healthcare workers in nursing homes, early child care
educators, etc. Each of these occupations is critical in allowing the rest of
society to stay at home and ‘flatten the curve.’”
– Prof.
Tiffany Green
A similar sentiment is echoed by Dr. Camara Phyllis Jones, an
epidemiologist and fellow of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at
Harvard University. “We’re getting infected more because we are exposed more
and less protected,” she says.
In addition, issues surrounding poverty and housing add to
the risk of spreading the virus. “In poor neighborhoods, [physical] distancing
is not a viable option, when residing in high-density, often multi-generational
housing units,” says Prof. Williams.
The impact of comorbidities
When prompted to explain why the numbers of COVID-19 cases
and mortalities in the U.S. are so high, though the country makes up only 5% of
the world’s population, Alex Azar, secretary of the Department of Health and
Human Services, said, “Unfortunately, the
American population is a very diverse [population].”
He went on to mention the “greater risk profile” of black
communities and minority groups, suggesting that the underlying diseases that
African Americans are predisposed to contribute significantly to the higher
death toll.
His remarks have attracted considerable criticism and have been seen as victim-blaming.
His remarks have attracted considerable criticism and have been seen as victim-blaming.
While
comorbidities are an undeniable risk factor for COVID-19 severity, it is
important to ask why those comorbidities exist in the first place.
Prof. Williams mentions in his talk that black Americans
are indeed more likely to have diseases such as hypertension, heart disease,
and diabetes — conditions that amplify the severity of COVID-19.
In fact, research has shown that not only do black
Americans and minority populations develop these diseases at a greater rate
than white Americans, they also tend to develop them at a younger age.
As to why this happens, stress and racial discrimination
are a huge part of the answer. “Minorities experience higher levels of stress
[…] and greater clustering of stress,” says Prof. Williams in his webinar.
“In addition
to the traditional stressors, minorities experience the stress of racial
discrimination that has been shown to have negative effects on physical and
mental health.”
– Prof. David
R. Williams
The impact of systematic racism
in healthcare
Importantly, these negative health effects do not only
stem from racial discrimination on an interpersonal level — black Americans
also experience this discrimination when they engage with the healthcare
system.
Prof. Williams and Dr. Lisa A. Cooper, an epidemiologist
and professor at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, in Baltimore,
MD, note in a 2019 study that a report from the National
Academy of Medicine draws a chilling conclusion.
“Across
virtually every type of therapeutic intervention in the U.S., ranging from
high-technology procedures to the most basic forms of diagnostic and treatment
interventions, blacks and other minorities receive fewer procedures and poorer
quality medical care than whites.”
“Access to care is a problem [and] access to testing is a
problem,” Prof. Williams says.
Dr. Jones, who is also a former president of the American Public Health Association, expressed a similar sentiment.
Dr. Jones, who is also a former president of the American Public Health Association, expressed a similar sentiment.
Speaking of racial discrimination in healthcare and its
effects on COVID-19 response, she observes, “Our nation has abdicated its
responsibility to do that kind of work and ask those kinds of questions.”
“By creating
unequal access to resources and opportunity, racism is a fundamental cause of
racial inequities in health.”
– Prof. David
R. Williams and Dr. Lisa A. Cooper
In her interview with MNT,
Prof. Green emphasized the profound harm of racial discrimination in healthcare.
She highlighted some specific ways in which this bias manifests, including the use of face masks to criminalize black men, disparities in Medicaid policies, and gaps in the Affordable Care Act.
Prof. Green also spoke to the importance of enforcing civil rights laws. Her interview can be read in full here.
She highlighted some specific ways in which this bias manifests, including the use of face masks to criminalize black men, disparities in Medicaid policies, and gaps in the Affordable Care Act.
Prof. Green also spoke to the importance of enforcing civil rights laws. Her interview can be read in full here.
Prof. Williams said that COVID-19 serves as a magnifying
glass that helps us see racial inequalities in health. Some who are not
targeted by racial prejudice on a daily basis may feel as if they are seeing
these inequalities for the first time, though the disparities have existed for
centuries.
It could be argued that the current protests and the Black Lives
Matter movement are fulfilling a similar role — awakening many who
were privileged enough to ignore injustices that have existed for hundreds of
years.
Using this magnified view as an opportunity to rectify
injustices — in healthcare and other areas of our lives — is crucial and
urgent. So is recognizing that concerning these issues, most of us have been
downright blind.
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